What are the duties of the academy to society in this period of systemic decay?
Join us for a meaningful discussion among leading policymakers, innovators, community organizers, and academics working to prepare our society for a transition to a more democratic, sustainable, and fair political and economic system. More info: The Next System and the Academy: Systemic Crises, Movements, and Change in the 2020s – Office of Sustainability (gmu.edu)
- Rep. Mark Pocan, co-chair of the U.S. House Labor Caucus and co-chair of the Congressional Cooperative Business Caucus
- Kali Akuno, co-founder of Cooperation Jackson and coauthor of “Jackson Rising: The Struggle for Economic Democracy and Black Self-Determination in Jackson, Mississippi”
- Gar Alperovitz, eminent historian, and political economist and cofounder of Next System Project
- Roberto Jesus Clack, Associate Director of Warehouse Workers for Justice
- Dr. Emily Kawano, co-director of Wellspring Cooperative, and cofounder of the U.S. Solidarity Economy Coalition
Academic Response Panel
- Dr. Amy Best, Professor, and Chair of Sociology, George Mason University
- Dr. Diane Fujino, Professor, and Chair of Asian American Studies, UC Santa Barbara
DC’s own Katie Wells has reviewed Juliet Schor’s After the Gig: How the Sharing Economy Got Hijacked and How to Win It Back. Wells insightfully writes:
The challenge facing the platform workplace is to confront and overcome, rather than simply repackage, the alienating pressures of the capitalist city. This is especially important, because such a city is simply one iteration of sociality, among all the possible ones we can forge. We must go beyond the capitalist city. To build solidarities, practice anti-capitalist living, and prepare more just futures, we must tend to seeds of care.
For the full review: https://www.publicbooks.org/worker-worries-are-the-seeds-of-worker-action/
The book has chapters on the Freedom Farm Cooperative formed by Fannie Lou Hamer, the North Bolivar County (Mississippi) Farm Cooperative, the Federation of Southern Cooperatives, and the Detroit Black Community Food Security Network.
Monica M. White. Freedom Farmers: Agricultural Resistance and the Black Freedom Movement. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. 208 pp. $19.95 (paper), ISBN 978-1-4696-6389-0; $14.99 (e-book), ISBN 978-1-4696-4370-0. Reviewed by Evan Bennett (Florida Atlantic University); http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=54810
Published on H-Environment (February, 2021)
Commissioned by Daniella McCahey (Texas Tech University)
In the early twentieth century, Black North Carolinians B. C. “Doc” and Nannie Corbett built a sizable estate by purchasing numerous tracts of land. By the 1930s, they were among the largest landowners in Orange County. In 2016, their second-youngest daughter, Scnobia Taylor, still lived on a tract of land that once belonged to them, and, despite being in her 80s, she kept busy on it. The first time her younger sister attempted to introduce us, Mrs. Taylor was too busy working with her corn to meet. When we were finally able to meet nearly two years later—it was springtime—she had a garden started and corn planted. Fruit trees dotted the property; chickens, ducks, and guinea fowl wandered around. She had traveled the world with her husband, a soldier, but when he retired, they settled back on her family’s land, and she took up again growing things they could eat. She learned it from her parents, she said. Tobacco had been the source of whatever wealth they accumulated; homegrown vegetables, fruits, meat, and eggs were the safety net that protected them. Doc’s parents had done the same on that land, and Doc and Nannie taught the practice not only to their children, but to the Black sharecroppers who worked on their land.
Dr. Monica White would categorize the Corbetts’ farming as a resistance strategy: growing their own food was a way of maintaining their independence in a racist society. In Freedom Farmers, she joins scholars who have turned their attention to the extent to which rural Black Americans used these sorts of strategies to keep soul and body together in a society that largely denied them the independence to make their own way. In this book, she focuses on the collective efforts of the poorest Black farmers to protect themselves, their families, and their communities, particularly the efforts to create cooperatives in the era of the civil rights movement. She does this, she explains, in order “to connect contemporary urban farmer-activists to an earlier time when African Americans turned to agriculture as a strategy for building sustainable communities” (p. 5). Instead of attempting to provide a narrative of Black organizing across time, an effort that would be both Herculean and likely to impose too much order on a chaotic, disjointed story, White examines several moments in twentieth-century Black agricultural organizing in order to learn from them. Her method, she says, is rooted in the “African principle of sankofa: studying the past to understand the present, and, from that, to forge a future of our own making” (p. 19). While it would be presumptuous of me to gauge the impact of this work on the community of farmer-activists, as a historian of Black farming, I believe Freedom Farmers is an excellent model of using the past to inform the present.
White builds her work on the theoretical framework that she calls collective agency and community resilience, or CACR. This model focuses less on the disruptive forms of everyday resistance in favor of considering the “activities community members enact as a means to be self-reliant and self-sufficient” (p. 6). CACR can take numerous forms but are built on several strategies, three of which White argues were key for the development of the agricultural cooperatives she documents. The first of these is “commons as praxis,” an approach to land ownership that eschewed individualism and prioritized “community well-being and wellness for the benefit of all” (p. 9). The second strategy was a “prefigurative politics” (p. 9) that functioned as an alternative for those excluded from electoral politics and emphasized democracy and participation. The final strategy was to pursue economic autonomy that, like prefigurative politics, provided an alternative to the exploitative labor practices that Black workers endured in favor of a system that allowed them to enjoy the fruits of their labor.
Having established the framework for the study as well as a brief exploration of historical examples of collective agency and community resilience (including gardens grown by enslaved people, the Colored Farmers’ Alliance, and the work of the United Negro Improvement Association) in a long introduction, White divides her study in two parts. In the first, she revisits the work of Booker T. Washington, George Washington Carver, and W. E. B. Du Bois, three men she argues provided the theoretical underpinnings for agriculture as a resistance strategy. Washington, as president of the Tuskegee Institute, pressed Black farmers to fight for their independence through self-reliance, while Carver, from his lab there, worked tirelessly to give them the tools to feed themselves apart from plantation stores and their high-cost credit. Meanwhile, Du Bois, she argues, provided the model for prefigurative politics in his lesser-known advocacy of cooperatives as a strategy for rural Black people. For White, the success or failure of these men in realizing their goals is not the point—an approach to the past with which a historian might quibble—so much as it is the value of their ideas for informing the present.
From the intellectual foundations of agriculture as resistance, White moves to case studies of Black-led agricultural cooperatives in the second part of the book. She devotes a chapter each to the Freedom Farm Cooperative formed by Fannie Lou Hamer, the North Bolivar County (Mississippi) Farm Cooperative, the Federation of Southern Cooperatives, and the Detroit Black Community Food Security Network. While each developed in unique historical and geographic circumstances, and each took a slightly different approach, especially with regard to the scale of their operations, White finds connections for each in their ability to develop the strategies of collective agency and community resistance. Despite their internal limitations and the racist resistance each faced, she finds in each cooperative lessons for modern efforts to develop community agriculture projects. Freedom Farm Cooperative and its “oasis of self-reliance and self-determination in a landscape of oppression” is an example of how “those who have been historically been excluded” might build sustainable communities (p. 87). The North Bolivar County Farm Cooperative and the Federation of Southern Cooperatives, meanwhile, demonstrate the power of networking and large-scale organization. The Detroit Black Community Food Security Network, for its part, shows how resistance through access to food need not be a rural phenomenon alone. White admits that her book is a “love letter” (p. 26) to these movements, so she spends less time examining the resistance they faced. Neither does she ever pose the question as to whether they, in a political economy built on exploitation and private profit, face too high of a hill to climb. White’s is a positive story with hope at its center, and people who similarly have hope in the possibilities of collective action should pay close attention to the strategies White discusses, for she offers much to learn.
As part of broader workshop on social movements on Friday, March 12, 2021 at 2pm (EST), Heather Hax will talk about, “Resource Mobilization and Worker Cooperatives: Pathways to Non-Extractive Financing.” This talk will focus on the resource considerations and constraints of individual worker cooperatives, as well as the worker cooperative movement writ large. Like other social movements, worker cooperatives and the cooperative movement have treated resource constraints as collective action problem – and as a result has developed a series of institutional formations and strategies to address them. These constraints and corresponding strategies will be outlined and evaluated. Central to my question is their potential to prefigure non-extractive, post/anti-capitalist lending structures. To register, click here.
Heather Hax is a PhD candidate in Sociology at York University in Toronto whose work focuses on worker cooperatives and anti-capitalist social transformation. Currently residing in Baltimore, Heather teaches Sociology at Towson University, is a member of the zero-waste team with the South Baltimore Community Land Trust and is an elder ally with Sunrise Movement Baltimore.
According to this exceedingly interesting post on the blog The Workers’ Paradise, “Tech Co-op’s Are on the Rise,” tech co-ops are popping up all over. And here is some info about the new local tech co-op NOVA Web Development!
NOVA Web Development provides web page design and web application development at affordable rates for labor and community organizations, academic institutions, non-profits, and small business enterprises.
We are a democratically run, worker owned and operated cooperative focused on developing free software tools for progressive organizations, committed to economic democracy and the educational growth of our members. Our young web professionals work side-by-side with experienced veterans learning state-of-the-art webcraft while providing solutions to problems facing our local community, pursuing a social justice mission, and striving to create the world we want to live in.
The purpose of the Cooperative is to engage in and conduct lawful business, activities or functions aimed at providing for the livelihood of the Members in a manner consistent with the interests of society as a whole, guided by the following:
- We want to make a living, not a killing.
- We want to help build the world we want to live in.
- The people’s movement should use people’s software.
Past Food Co-op in Co-op Directory:
Cen-East Cooperative (Eastern Market): In 1963, following the closure of the Center Market at Fifth and K Streets Northwest, fifteen merchants formed a ten-stall cooperative they named ‘Cen-East’ and relocated to Eastern Market (Robert J. Shepherd. 2008. When Culture Goes to Market, p. 29).
“Working humans are so much more than ‘resources’. This is one of the central lessons of the current crisis.”
So begins a manifesto drafted in the spring of 2020 in response to the Covid-19 pandemic, which argues that work needs to be democratized, de-commodified and made sustainable. The Manifesto has been translated in multiple languages and supported across the globe: https://democratizingwork.org/read/#english. This conversation on Democratizing Work, which will take place on Wednesday, November 18th (11:00 EST), is an opportunity to bring together its authors with leading representatives and specialists from the world of work in a dialogue about the Manifesto and current priorities for the pandemic and beyond.To participate: advance registration is required. Register on https://bit.ly/35Zi3hL
More info on FB: https://www.facebook.com/events/2076190535846235/
La Coop Coffee Co. is located at 5505 1st St, NW, Washington, DC, 20011. It is a family owned and operated business that works with a coffee coop in Union Cantinil, Huehuetenango, Guatemala. Maybe it is a bit like Divine Chocolate (which you can buy in Yes Market and other DC stores)? Here is what they are about:
We source directly from a coffee cooperative formed by our founder in his hometown of Union Cantinil, Huehuetenango, Guatemala. We always ensure farmers receive the fairest price for their product and that each cup of La Coop coffee we bring to our customers is of the highest quality.
Through this direct trade relationship we bring our customers single origin specialty coffee that not only tastes good, but helps make a difference in the lives of hard working coffee farmers in Guatemala. Our founder grew up farming the same coffee he is now roasting and serving locally in the Washington, D.C. area. Through La Coop, he now gets to share a little bit of the Guatemala he knows with the world.
P.S. The current landlord is trying to evict La Coop, so help this great organization! More info on the evil landlord: https://www.facebook.com/photo?fbid=10219916206110296&set=gm.638170230184083
JOIN the Black Workers & Wellness Center tonight (Monday, September 28th, at 6:30pm) for the “Worker Cooperatives & The Movement for Socialism” panel discussion. The panel will include Jessica Gordon-Nembhard, Camila Piñeiro Harnecker, and Richard Wolff.
Jessica Gordon Nembhard, Ph. D., is a political economist specializing in economic development policy, Black political economy, and popular economic literacy. Her research focuses on democratic community economics, cooperative businesses, worker ownership, and racial wealth inequality, all of which can be found in her book “Collective Courage; A History of African American Cooperative Economic Thought & Practice”. Though a resident of Washington, D.C., Gordon Nembhard currently teaches at John Jay College, City University of New York.
Camila Piñeiro Harnecker, Ph. D., was a professor, researcher and consultant at the Center for the Study of the Cuban Economy at the University of Havana. Her work focuses on economic democracy, self-management, democratic planning, worker cooperatives, business management and public policy towards the enterprise sector. She is author of Guía Introductoria sobre Cooperativismo para Cuba (Ed. Caminos, 2015) and Repensando el Socialismo Cubano: Propuestas para una economía democratica y cooperativa (Ruth Casa Editorial, 2013), and the edited the volume Cooperatives and Socialism: A View from Cuba (Palgrave, 2012).
Richard D. Wolff is Professor of Economics Emeritus, University of Massachusetts, Amherst where he taught economics from 1973 to 2008. He is currently a Visiting Professor in the Graduate Program in International Affairs of the New School University, New York City.
The Polish journal Theoretical Practice has a special issue “Cooperation as the Institution of the Common.” While cooperatives can exist in capitalism, they can also go beyond capitalism and forge a new kind of social life. This special issue is great because it explores both the theory of cooperatives and the concrete practices of cooperatives and the common in Poland in the interwar period, during state socialism, and today’s capitalism. Most interesting is the inclusion of the 1904 “Stateless Socialism” by Edward Abramowski, one of the most important Polish philosophers at the turn of the last century, one of the founders of the Polish Cooperativists’ Society, and a visionary of cooperativism as means of “working people’s liberation.”